1. Ridesharing has a strong cultural and social aspect to it. The largest group of ridesharers are family members or related individuals. The rideshare mode split among the Hispanic population is nearly twice the US average, but declines rapidly with increasing residency.
2. The strongest indicators of rideshare use in the US appear to be income and, to a lesser extent, congestion. Rideshare participation decreases rapidly with increasing income. Only the Seattle metro area has a relatively consistent rideshare mode split across income groups. Rideshare appears to be higher in metro areas with greater congestion, although the trend is much more pronounced in large and very large metro areas.
3. At an aggregate level, rideshare participation appears to be higher in low density metropolitan areas, but the reasons for this are not entirely clear. Intuitively, ridesharing requires at least some density of riders with similar origins and destinations in order to work. However, higher densities are often accompanied by larger and more interconnected transit systems that may compete for rideshare participants. For lower density metropolitan areas, ridesharing may function as a type of small vehicle transit.
4. It is not clear whether ridesharing and transit are complements or substitutes. The international analysis of transit share and rideshare participation shows a potential substitution between the two modes, however the metropolitan analysis did not show any significant trade-off between transit share and ridesharing in the US context. Anecdotally, there is evidence from San Francisco that people who choose to rideshare previously rode transit, suggesting that the two modes are substitutes. On the opposite side, evidence from Seattle and San Francisco suggests that when passengers cannot find an appropriate ride-match, they rely on transit services to reach their desired destination, suggesting that the two modes are complementary.




















